GMAT考试RCOGWORD(八)
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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Passage 8
Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector
clerical workers, most of whom are women, were some-
what limited. The factors favoring unionization drives
seem to have been either the presence of large numbers
(5) of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the
effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or
two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively
easy, Receptivity to unionization on the workers, part
was also a consideration, but when there were large
(10) numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only
unorganized group in a jurisdiction1, the multioccupa-
tional unions would often try to organize them regard-
less of the workers’ initial receptivity. The strategic
reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politi-
(15) cians and administrators2 might play off unionized
against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the
conviction that a fully3 unionized public work force
meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the
legislature. In localities where clerical workers were few
(20) in number, were scattered4 in several workplaces, and
expressed no interest in being organized, unions more
often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.
But since the mid-1970’s, a different strategy has
emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical
(25) workers were represented by a labor5 organization,
compared with 46 percent of government professionals,
44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and
41 percent of government service workers, Since then,
however, the biggest increases in public-sector unioniza-
(30) tion have been among clerical workers. Between 1977
and 1980, the number of unionized government workers
in blue-collar and service occupations increased only
about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations
the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers
(35) in particular, the increase was 22 percent.
What accounts for this upsurge in unionization
among clerical workers? First, more women have entered
the work force in the past few years, and more of them
plan to remain working until retirement6 age. Conse-
(40) quently, they are probably more concerned than their
predecessors were about job security and economic bene-
fits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legit-
imizing the economic and political activism of women on
their own behalf, thereby7 producing a more positive atti-
(45) tude toward unions. The absence of any comparable
increase in unionization among private-sector clerical
workers, however, identifies the primary catalyst-the
structural8 change in the multioccupational public-sector
unions themselves. Over the past twenty years, the occu-
(50) pational distribution in these unions has been steadily
shifting from predominantly blue-collar to predomi-
nantly white-collar. Because there are far more women
in white-collar jobs, an increase in the proportion of
female members has accompanied the occupational shift
(55) and has altered union policy-making in favor of orga-
nizing women and addressing women’s issues.
 
43. According to the passage, the public-sector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were
(A)   professionals
(B)   managers
(C)   clerical workers
(D)  service workers(A)
(E)   blue-collar workers
 
44. The author cites union efforts to achieve a fully unionized work force (line 13-19) in order to account for why
(A)   politicians might try to oppose public-sector union organizing
(B)   public-sector unions have recently focused on organizing women
(C)   early organizing efforts often focused on areas where there were large numbers of workers
(D)  union efforts with regard to public-sector clerical workers increased dramatically after 1975(E)
(E)   unions sometimes tried to organize workers regardless of the workers’ initial interest in unionization
 
45. The author’s claim that, since the mid-1970’s, a new strategy has emerged in the unionization of public-sector clerical workers (line 23 ) would be strengthened if the author
(A)   described more fully the attitudes of clerical workers toward labor unions
(B)   compared the organizing strategies employed by private-sector unions with those of public-sector unions
(C)   explained why politicians and administrators sometimes oppose unionization of clerical workers
(D)  indicated that the number of unionized public-sector clerical workers was increasing even before the mid-1970’s(E)
(E)   showed that the factors that favored unionization drives among these workers prior to 1975 have decreased in importance
 
46. According to the passage, in the period prior to 1975, each of the following considerations helped determine whether a union would attempt to organize a certain group of clerical workers EXCEPT
(A)   the number of clerical workers in that group
(B)   the number of women among the clerical workers in that group
(C)   whether the clerical workers in that area were concentrated in one workplace or scattered over several workplaces
(D)  the degree to which the clerical workers in that group were interested in unionization(B)
(E)   whether all the other workers in the same jurisdiction as that group of clerical workers were unionized
 
47. The author states that which of the following is a consequence of the women’s movement of recent years?
(A)   An increase in the number of women entering the work force
(B)   A structural change in multioccupational public-sector unions
(C)   A more positive attitude on the part of women toward unions
(D)  An increase in the proportion of clerical workers that are women(C)
(E)   An increase in the number of women in administrative9 positions
 
48. The main concern of the passage is to
(A)   advocate particular strategies for future efforts to organize certain workers into labor unions
(B)   explain differences in the unionized proportions of various groups of public-sector workers
(C)   evaluate the effectiveness of certain kinds of labor unions that represent public-sector workers
(D)  analyzed and explain an increase in unionization among a certain category of workers(D)
(E)   describe and distinguish strategies appropriate to organizing different categories of workers


点击收听单词发音收听单词发音  

1 jurisdiction La8zP     
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权
参考例句:
  • It doesn't lie within my jurisdiction to set you free.我无权将你释放。
  • Changzhou is under the jurisdiction of Jiangsu Province.常州隶属江苏省。
2 administrators d04952b3df94d47c04fc2dc28396a62d     
n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 );有管理(或行政)才能的人;(由遗嘱检验法庭指定的)遗产管理人;奉派暂管主教教区的牧师
参考例句:
  • He had administrators under him but took the crucial decisions himself. 他手下有管理人员,但重要的决策仍由他自己来做。 来自辞典例句
  • Administrators have their own methods of social intercourse. 办行政的人有他们的社交方式。 来自汉英文学 - 围城
3 fully Gfuzd     
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地
参考例句:
  • The doctor asked me to breathe in,then to breathe out fully.医生让我先吸气,然后全部呼出。
  • They soon became fully integrated into the local community.他们很快就完全融入了当地人的圈子。
4 scattered 7jgzKF     
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的
参考例句:
  • Gathering up his scattered papers,he pushed them into his case.他把散乱的文件收拾起来,塞进文件夹里。
5 labor P9Tzs     
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦
参考例句:
  • We are never late in satisfying him for his labor.我们从不延误付给他劳动报酬。
  • He was completely spent after two weeks of hard labor.艰苦劳动两周后,他已经疲惫不堪了。
6 retirement TWoxH     
n.退休,退职
参考例句:
  • She wanted to enjoy her retirement without being beset by financial worries.她想享受退休生活而不必为金钱担忧。
  • I have to put everything away for my retirement.我必须把一切都积蓄起来以便退休后用。
7 thereby Sokwv     
adv.因此,从而
参考例句:
  • I have never been to that city,,ereby I don't know much about it.我从未去过那座城市,因此对它不怎么熟悉。
  • He became a British citizen,thereby gaining the right to vote.他成了英国公民,因而得到了投票权。
8 structural itXw5     
adj.构造的,组织的,建筑(用)的
参考例句:
  • The storm caused no structural damage.风暴没有造成建筑结构方面的破坏。
  • The North American continent is made up of three great structural entities.北美大陆是由三个构造单元组成的。
9 administrative fzDzkc     
adj.行政的,管理的
参考例句:
  • The administrative burden must be lifted from local government.必须解除地方政府的行政负担。
  • He regarded all these administrative details as beneath his notice.他认为行政管理上的这些琐事都不值一顾。
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